Hoping to reshape the Democratic coalition governing the California Legislature, business-backed outside groups spent millions during the 2014 election cycle to elect Democrats they believe will be more sympathetic to their interests.
Newly elected Democratic candidates aided by business-funded groups posted an impressive record. In seven out of 10 races to fill open seats, the Democratic candidate who benefited from independent spending by business groups prevailed.
Those results have prompted talk of a new generation of business-friendly Democrats assuming office. Some groups that spent lavishly on behalf of those Democrats are touting their success.
Californians for Jobs and a Strong Economy, for example, spent $1.1 million on the effort, and the group’s leader predicted that “economic Democrat” lawmakers will have considerable clout in the coming session.
Fifteen years ago, “there were six (such Democrats) in the Assembly,” said David Townsend, who oversees Californians for Jobs and a Strong Economy. “When they get sworn in for the next session, exactly one-half of the Democratic caucus will be mods.”
Assembly Speaker Toni Atkins, D-San Diego, said changes in election rules and legislative term limits are driving “wholehearted change in how the Legislature is structured and comes together.”
Candidates now run in districts redrawn to be less skewed toward one party. In districts that are still predominantly Democratic, the new nonpartisan primary system allows two Democrats to advance to the general election. After two elections under the new rules, outside groups have become more sophisticated in deploying campaign funds.
“The business people finally became aware of how to use the open primary, the top-two process,” said Tony Quinn, a political analyst who worked for legislative Republicans. “They have shown there is a way to elect the moderate Democrat in a same-party runoff.”
While business interests were not always effective in electing their chosen Democrats, some analysts say this election may have provided a blueprint going forward.
“They went directly to the Republican voters and said, you don’t have a choice but two Democrats – you don’t want to waste your ballot, but one is closer to where you are,” Quinn said. “I think we’re going to see a lot more of that.”
When legislative Democrats disagree, environmental issues and business regulation are often the reason.
A group of 16 Democrats last year, for example, signed a letter urging the state to hold off on requiring oil companies to purchase emissions permits as part of the state’s cap-and-trade scheme, warning about higher gas prices. Other bills that have exposed divisions sought to ban single-use plastic bags, limit hydraulic fracturing and punish large stores whose employees’ wages are low enough to qualify them for public assistance.
“They’re still Democrats, so when it comes to social issues like choice and minimum wage and workers rights, they’re solid,” Townsend said of the Democrats he seeks to promote, but “they want to do things that make our economy strong so people can have real good jobs – they really resist special interests coming in to rig the game, be it lawsuits or environmental interests.”
The campaign spending by industry-funded groups showed those entities favored some Democrats over others. In some cases, they invested heavily in primaries, hoping to push chosen candidates into general elections nearly certain to be won by Democrats given the district. In others, they worked to elevate one Democrat over another in the same-party races that have proliferated in the top-two primary system.
“Democratic primaries are tough, so part of the trick is: Can you get Republican voters to engage in a primary for a Democratic candidate when you’ve got a Republican on the ballot?” said Marty Wilson, vice president of public affairs for the California Chamber of Commerce. “A Republican’s not going to win in a Democratic seat.”
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